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为什么南美球队总是“输不起”？_我的网站

待产孕妇跳楼身亡

A |

世界杯决赛，阿根廷队终场告负。整届赛事他们的犯规数始终高居前列，决赛里更是多次用战术拦截打乱对方节奏，中场核心两黄离场，赛后双方爆发肢体冲突，颁奖仪式上阿根廷队员甚至集体背对领奖台。 BARCELONA, Spain -- Barcelona accountant Oriol Calvo ran afoul of the law when he was arrested in 2019 during a mass protest by supporters of Catalonia's independence from Spain that turned violent. A court found him guilty of public disorder and of aggressive behavior toward a police officer — offenses he denies. The 25-year-old is among several thousand ordinary citizens who faced legal trouble for their often tiny part in Catalonia’s illegal secession bid that brought Spain to the brink of rupture six years ago.Now Calvo hopes his conviction and those of many others will be wiped clean if Spain’s acting prime minister, Pedro Sánchez, follows through and issues a sweeping amnesty for the separatists in exchange for their movement's political parties helping him form a new government in Madrid.Calvo's sentence of 18 months was suspended since it was his first offense, but it is still a stain on his record and has affected his willingness to participate in politics. He has stopped going to rallies for independence for fears that it could complicate his legal situation. He also felt betrayed.“I became very bitter,” Calvo said. “I felt betrayed by the justice system, but also I thought about all the efforts that the movement had made in the fight to achieve independence that had gotten us nowhere.”Sánchez, who has granted pardons to several leaders of the movement in the past, says that the amnesty will be positive for Spain because it will further reduce tensions inside Catalonia. Yet no one doubts that he is doing it only out of political necessity given how divisive the Catalan independence movement is both inside Catalonia and the rest of Spain.A national election in July left no party close to an absolute majority and with Sánchez in need of the support of several smaller parties to stay in power. Those include two pro-secession Catalan parties who led the unsuccessful 2017 breakaway attempt and who now find themselves holding the key votes in Parliament that Sánchez requires. Given the chance to play kingmaker, the two separatist parties are using their leverage. They have made an amnesty law as a prerequisite for supporting Sánchez.The clock is already ticking. Sánchez has until Nov. 27 to form a government, otherwise new elections will be triggered for January.Sánchez and his center-left Socialist party have tried to keep as quiet as possible on the amnesty question, but the leader has acknowledged that talks are on-going with the Catalan parties, including one led by the fugitive former regional leader of Catalonia, Carles Puigdemont, who fled Spain for Belgium after his dream to carve out a new state in northeast Spain collapsed.Spain’s courts are still trying to have Puigdemont extradited. Given that Puigdemont is considered an enemy of the state for many Spaniards, any deal that could benefit him is politically toxic.Tens of thousands of people rallied in downtown Barcelona on Oct. 8 against a possible amnesty in a sign of the danger that Sánchez runs.An amnesty "would be shameful because Spain can’t be governed by people who want to split from the country,” said 23-year-old Pablo Seco, an aeronautical engineer who attended the rally.For Montserrat Nebrera, professor of constitutional law at the International University of Catalonia, the negotiations between Sánchez and the separatist leaders are a “hall of mirrors” wherein both sides try to appear that they have the upper hand, when in reality they need one another.“Pedro Sánchez needs the amnesty law to pass so he can get the four votes he is lacking,” Nebrera told the AP. “The secessionists, however, also need to show their people that they are not only interested in saving the necks of their leaders ... but also of the people who disobeyed authorities or damaged public property and whose punishments, while not huge, have greatly complicated their lives.”Spain’s conservative party, which lost a bid to form a government last month, is already bashing Sánchez for what it describes as selling Spain out to stay in power. Former Socialist prime minister Felipe González has also said that the amnesty is not merited.Spain granted a sweeping amnesty during its transition back to democracy following the death of dictator Francisco Franco in 1975. But legal experts are divided over the constitutionality of an amnesty for the Catalan separatists.The pro-independence Catalan organization Omnium Cultural says that an amnesty should benefit some 4,400 more people, mostly minor officials and ordinary citizens who either helped to organize an illegal 2017 referendum or participated, like Calvo, in protests that turned ugly.But Omnium and the two Catalan separatist parties say they want much more than just a clean slate for people in trouble with the law: they want the terms of the amnesty to establish a legal pretext for Catalonia eventually holding a binding, authorized referendum on independence.“For us, the amnesty is not the solution to the conflict, it is the starting point from which the conflict can begin to be resolved,” said Xavier Antich, president of Omnium Cultural.That going-for-broke position, however, may run the risk of wrecking the whole operation, as well as leaving people like Calvo in the lurch.“They have already tried to have a referendum authorized and it has not worked,” Calvo said. “So I believe that trying to force something that we know isn’t going to happen is useless and could derail the amnesty talks.”___Videojournalist Hernán Muñoz contributed to this report.。

B | 一时间，“输不起”“球风粗野”的指责铺天盖地。犯规就该吃牌，赛后失控也该受罚，规则面前没什么好说的。

C | 但今天我想聊的不是“对不对”，而是“为什么”。答案不在某一场比赛里，而在一个更深的地方：一部百年殖民史留下的心理刻痕，以及一种在否定和轻视中长出来的活法。一、足球，是他们在世界上少有的翻身机会三百年的西班牙殖民统治，给拉美留下的不只是被掠夺的白银与土地，更有一种深入骨髓的身份贬低。对这片土地上的人来说，自文明之初，他们就处在“被强者定义、被强者轻视”的位置。就像从小在否定中长大的孩子，心里总憋着一股要证明自己的劲，也总对“被看不起”格外敏感。

D | 这种敏感在1982年马岛战争惨败后被推到顶点。

E | 阿根廷本想借收复马岛重塑民族信心，却在英国的军事碾压下溃败，整个国家的尊严跌入谷底。政治、军事、经济，在所有西方主导的规则里，他们始终拿不到平等的话语权。

F | 直到1986年世界杯，马拉多纳用“上帝之手”和连过五人的进球淘汰英格兰，并最终率队捧杯。这场胜利被整个国家当作“精神上的复仇”——战场上失去的尊严，在足球场上抢了回来。从那以后，足球对阿根廷来说就再也不是单纯的体育竞技。它是全民族的脸面，是少有的、能在世界舞台上与所有国家平起平坐、甚至赢过昔日殖民者的领域。

G | 那个总被欺负的孩子好不容易练出一身本事，找到了自己的“替代性补偿”，便把全部骄傲押在上面：赢了，就能扬眉吐气；输了，旧伤疤就会被猛地掀开，那是远比一场普通失利沉重得多的无力感。因此一场足球赛的胜负，便足以掀起如此剧烈的情绪地震。

H | 因为对他们来说，那从来就不只是一场球。马尔克斯在《百年孤独》里借奥雷里亚诺上校之口说过一句话。

I | 上校一生发动三十二场武装起义，全部失败，晚年把自己关在作坊里反复制作小金鱼，熔了又做，做了又熔。别人以为他为自由而战，他却坦白：“......我打仗是为了自尊。”这句话道尽了拉美诸多抗争的底色：从独立战争到球场对抗，看似宏大的胜负背后，藏着的都是最朴素的心愿——不想再被人看轻。足球是今天的战场，胜负里装着的，是攒了几百年的一口气。

J | 二、犯规这件事，没那么简单，也没那么无辜阿根廷的高频犯规，常被笼统地归为“脏”。但拆开看，其实是几层不能混为一谈的东西。第一层，是战术犯规。这支阿根廷队中场覆盖能力下降、后防线老化，面对擅长传控的对手，靠常规跑位很难阻断节奏。在中前场用犯规打断传控，付出一张黄牌的代价阻止一次有威胁的进攻，是足坛再常见不过的战术选择，本质是用规则内的成本换取防守收益。第二层，是情绪失控导致的越界动作。教练组只会要求球员在规则边缘完成战术犯规，绝不会授意直接招致红牌或引发冲突的恶意动作。那些蹬踏脚踝、赛后锁喉抱摔的行为，是两层因素叠加的结果：一是南美球员从小在街头足球中养成的强对抗肌肉记忆，在淘汰赛高压下容易动作变形，从“战术拉拽”滑向“鲁莽放铲”；二是整场比赛步步紧逼的压力，叠加判罚争议带来的情绪积累，让球员的情绪阈值不断降低，最终在失利后彻底爆发。第三层，就是纯粹的恶意动作。该给红牌给红牌，该追罚就追罚，没什么好解释的。把这三层混在一起固然省事，但也会漏掉值得追问的东西：为什么阿根廷球员更容易从“战术犯规”滑向“情绪失控”？答案和他们的成长环境有关。南美足球的根，深扎在贫民窟的街头野球场。大量球星从小在没有裁判、没有护具、甚至没有平整场地的环境里踢球。野球场上没有公平竞赛的教条，也不会因你年纪小、身体弱就让着你。想不被欺负，想赢下来，就得学会贴身硬抗，学会用隐蔽的小动作抢占优势，学会在没有规则保护的地方保护自己。更现实的压力在于，足球几乎是底层孩子改变命运的唯一通道。输的代价太大，大到不允许有半点退让。这种生存逻辑刻进骨子里，使得他们在场上总是寸步不让。大多数时候，这种侵略性只是游走在规则边缘，但在情绪压过理智的某些时刻，它就会越过那条线。三、输了不低头的背后，是一种拒绝伪装的本能决赛后的冲突和背对领奖台的举动，最容易被视为“输不起”，也最难辩解。为什么阿根廷球员事后不按惯例装出体面的样子？为什么他们连演都不愿意演一下？答案藏在他们的文化性格里。在拉美，输了就是难过，不服就是不服，没必要强装笑脸给人捧场，更不必压抑情绪扮体面。是没风度，也是一种拒绝表演的本能——哪怕输了，也不低头认输，不摆出心悦诚服的样子。这是两套价值逻辑的碰撞。欧洲推崇克制、体面、尊重仪式，情感收敛，理性先行。

K | 拉美则恰恰相反：赢了纵情狂欢，输了直白愤怒，情绪永远浓烈外溢。前者未必更高尚，后者未必更粗鄙。马尔克斯在《没有人给他写信的上校》里写过一位倔强的老人。穷到变卖家中物件换饭吃，每天等一封永不到来的抚恤金，哪怕饿肚子也绝不肯低声下气求人。

L | 他说：“我不戴帽子，免得要在别人面前摘下来。”《霍乱时期的爱情》中，弗洛伦蒂诺·阿里萨能为一句承诺等上五十三年七个月零十一天，哪怕对方结婚生子、垂垂老矣也不肯放手。这种近乎偏执的行为，放到球场上，就是落后时死磕到底，输球后不肯低头。这份执拗里当然有越界的东西，但也有一以贯之的逻辑：不伪装，不示弱，不为了体面而吞下真实情绪。结语如果用一个词把一个民族概括完了，也就等于拒绝看见那个词装不下的一切。那些犯规里，有技不如人时的战术止损，也有街头足球刻进肌肉的本能反应。有高压下从“规则边缘”滑向“越界”的失控，当然也有该被红牌罚下、该被追加禁赛的恶意动作。